Letter to Perigord

by Mary Wollstonecraft

　　TOM. TALLEYRAND PERIGORD,LATE BISHOP OF AUTUN.Sir:—

　　Having read with great pleasure a pamphlet, which you have latelypublished, on National Education, I dedicate this volume to you,the first dedication that I have ever written, to induce you toread it with attention; and, because I think that you willunderstand me, which I do not suppose many pert witlings will, whomay ridicule the arguments they are unable to answer. But, sir, Icarry my respect for your understanding still farther: so far,that I am confident you will not throw my work aside, and hastilyconclude that I am in the wrong because you did not view thesubject in the same light yourself. And pardon my frankness, but Imust observe, that you treated it in too cursory a manner,contented to consider it as it had been considered formerly, whenthe rights of man, not to advert to woman, were trampled on aschimerical. I call upon you, therefore, now to weigh what I haveadvanced respecting the rights of woman, and national education;and I call with the firm tone of humanity. For my arguments, sir,are dictated by a disinterested spirit: I plead for my sex, notfor myself. Independence I have long considered as the grandblessing of life, the basis of every virtue; and independence Iwill ever secure by contracting my wants, though I were to live ona barren heath.

　　It is, then, an affection for the whole human race that makes mypen dart rapidly along to support what I believe to be the cause ofvirtue: and the same motive leads me earnestly to wish to seewoman placed in a station in which she would advance, instead ofretarding, the progress of those glorious principles that give asubstance to morality. My opinion, indeed, respecting the rightsand duties of woman, seems to flow so naturally from these simpleprinciples, that I think it scarcely possible, but that some of theenlarged minds who formed your admirable constitution, willcoincide with me.

　　In France, there is undoubtedly a more general diffusion ofknowledge than in any part of the European world, and I attributeit, in a great measure, to the social intercourse which has longsubsisted between the sexes. It is true, I utter my sentimentswith freedom, that in France the very essence of sensuality hasbeen extracted to regale the voluptuary, and a kind of sentimentallust has prevailed, which, together with the system of duplicitythat the whole tenor of their political and civil governmenttaught, have given a sinister sort of sagacity to the Frenchcharacter, properly termed finesse; and a polish of manners thatinjures the substance, by hunting sincerity out of society. And,modesty, the fairest garb of virtue has been more grossly insultedin France than even in England, till their women have treated asPRUDISH that attention to decency which brutes instinctivelyobserve.

　　Manners and morals are so nearly allied, that they have often beenconfounded; but, though the former should only be the naturalreflection of the latter, yet, when various causes have producedfactitious and corrupt manners, which are very early caught,morality becomes an empty name. The personal reserve, and sacredrespect for cleanliness and delicacy in domestic life, which Frenchwomen almost despise, are the graceful pillars of modesty; but, farfrom despising them, if the pure flame of patriotism have reachedtheir bosoms, they should labour to improve the morals of theirfellow-citizens, by teaching men, not only to respect modesty inwomen, but to acquire it themselves, as the only way to merit theiresteem.

　　Contending for the rights of women, my main argument is built onthis simple principle, that if she be not prepared by education tobecome the companion of man, she will stop the progress ofknowledge, for truth must be common to all, or it will beinefficacious with respect to its influence on general practice.And how can woman be expected to co-operate, unless she know whyshe ought to be virtuous? Unless freedom strengthen her reasontill she comprehend her duty, and see in what manner it isconnected with her real good? If children are to be educated tounderstand the true principle of patriotism, their mother must be apatriot; and the love of mankind, from which an orderly train ofvirtues spring, can only be produced by considering the moral andcivil interest of mankind; but the education and situation ofwoman, at present, shuts her out from such investigations.

　　In this work I have produced many arguments, which to me wereconclusive, to prove, that the prevailing notion respecting asexual character was subversive of morality, and I have contended,that to render the human body and mind more perfect, chastity mustmore universally prevail, and that chastity will never be respectedin the male world till the person of a woman is not, as it were,idolized when little virtue or sense embellish it with the grandtraces of mental beauty, or the interesting simplicity ofaffection.

　　Consider, Sir, dispassionately, these observations, for a glimpseof this truth seemed to open before you when you observed, "that tosee one half of the human race excluded by the other from allparticipation of government, was a political phenomenon that,according to abstract principles, it was impossible to explain."If so, on what does your constitution rest? If the abstract rightsof man will bear discussion and explanation, those of woman, by aparity of reasoning, will not shrink from the same test: though adifferent opinion prevails in this country, built on the veryarguments which you use to justify the oppression of woman,prescription.

　　Consider, I address you as a legislator, whether, when men contendfor their freedom, and to be allowed to judge for themselves,respecting their own happiness, it be not inconsistent and unjustto subjugate women, even though you firmly believe that you areacting in the manner best calculated to promote their happiness?Who made man the exclusive judge, if woman partake with him thegift of reason?

　　In this style, argue tyrants of every denomination from the weakking to the weak father of a family; they are all eager to crushreason; yet always assert that they usurp its throne only to beuseful. Do you not act a similar part, when you FORCE all women,by denying them civil and political rights, to remain immured intheir families groping in the dark? For surely, sir, you will notassert, that a duty can be binding which is not founded on reason?If, indeed, this be their destination, arguments may be drawn fromreason; and thus augustly supported, the more understanding womenacquire, the more they will be attached to their duty,comprehending it, for unless they comprehend it, unless theirmorals be fixed on the same immutable principles as those of man,no authority can make them discharge it in a virtuous manner. Theymay be convenient slaves, but slavery will have its constanteffect, degrading the master and the abject dependent.

　　But, if women are to be excluded, without having a voice, from aparticipation of the natural rights of mankind, prove first, toward off the charge of injustice and inconsistency, that they wantreason, else this flaw in your NEW CONSTITUTION, the firstconstitution founded on reason, will ever show that man must, insome shape, act like a tyrant, and tyranny, in whatever part ofsociety it rears its brazen front, will ever undermine morality.

　　I have repeatedly asserted, and produced what appeared to meirrefragable arguments drawn from matters of fact, to prove myassertion, that women cannot, by force, be confined to domesticconcerns; for they will however ignorant, intermeddle with moreweighty affairs, neglecting private duties only to disturb, bycunning tricks, the orderly plans of reason which rise above theircomprehension.

　　Besides, whilst they are only made to acquire personalaccomplishments, men will seek for pleasure in variety, andfaithless husbands will make faithless wives; such ignorant beings,indeed, will be very excusable when, not taught to respect publicgood, nor allowed any civil right, they attempt to do themselvesjustice by retaliation.

　　The box of mischief thus opened in society, what is to preserveprivate virtue, the only security of public freedom and universalhappiness?

　　Let there be then no coercion ESTABLISHED in society, and thecommon law of gravity prevailing, the sexes will fall into theirproper places. And, now that more equitable laws are forming yourcitizens, marriage may become more sacred; your young men maychoose wives from motives of affection, and your maidens allow loveto root out vanity.

　　The father of a family will not then weaken his constitution anddebase his sentiments, by visiting the harlot, nor forget, inobeying the call of appetite, the purpose for which it wasimplanted; and the mother will not neglect her children to practisethe arts of coquetry, when sense and modesty secure her thefriendship of her husband.

　　But, till men become attentive to the duty of a father, it is vainto expect women to spend that time in their nursery which they,"wise in their generation," choose to spend at their glass; forthis exertion of cunning is only an instinct of nature to enablethem to obtain indirectly a little of that power of which they areunjustly denied a share; for, if women are not permitted to enjoylegitimate rights, they will render both men and themselvesvicious, to obtain illicit privileges.

　　I wish, sir, to set some investigations of this kind afloat inFrance; and should they lead to a confirmation of my principles,when your constitution is revised, the rights of woman may berespected, if it be fully proved that reason calls for thisrespect, and loudly demands JUSTICE for one half of the human race.

　　I am, sir,

　　Yours respectfully,

　　M. W.