Chapter 11

by Upton Sinclair

　　THE next morning Montague had an interview with John S. Price in hisWall Street office, and was retained as counsel in connection withthe new reorganisation. He accepted the offer, and in the afternoonhe called by appointment at the law-offices of William E. Davenant.

　　The first person Montague met there was Harry Curtiss, who greetedhim with eagerness. "I was pleased to death when I heard that youwere in on this deal," said he; "we shall have some work to dotogether."

　　About the table in the consultation room of Davenant's offices wereseated Ryder and Price, and Montague and Curtiss, and, finally,William E. Davenant. Davenant was one of the half-dozenhighest-paid corporation lawyers in the Metropolis. He was a tall,lean man, whose clothing hung upon him like rags upon a scare-crow.One of his shoulders was a trifle higher than the other, and hislong neck invariably hung forward, so that his thin, nervous faceseemed always to be peering about. One had a sense of a pair of keeneyes, behind which a restless brain was constantly plotting. Somepeople rated Davenant as earning a quarter of a million a year, andit was his boast that no one who made money according to plans whichhe approved had ever been made to give any of it up.

　　In curious contrast was the figure of Price, who looked like awell-dressed pugilist. He was verging on stoutness, and his face wasround, but underneath the superfluous flesh one could see the jaw ofa man of iron will. It was easy to believe that Price had fought hisway through life. He spoke sharply and to the point, and he laidbare the subject with a few quick strokes, as of a surgeon's knife.

　　The first question was as to Montague's errand in the South. Therewas no need of buying more stock of the road, for if they got thenew stock they would have control, and that was all they needed.Montague was to see those holders of the stock whom he knewpersonally, and to represent to them that he had succeeded ininteresting some Northern capitalists in the road, and that theywould undertake the improvements on condition that their board ofdirectors should be elected. Price produced a list of the newdirectors. They consisted of Montague and Curtiss and Ryder andhimself; a cousin of the latter's, and two other men, who, as hephrased it, were "accustomed to help me in that way." That left twoplaces to be filled by Montague from among the influential holdersof the stock. "That always pleases," said Price, succinctly, "and atthe same time we shall have an absolute majority."

　　There was to be voted an issue of a million dollars' worth of bonds,which the Gotham Trust Company would take; also a new issue oftwenty thousand shares of stock, which was to be offered pro rata tothe present stock-holders at fifty cents on the dollar. Montaguewas to state that his clients would take any which thesestockholders did not want. He was to use every effort to keep theplan secret, and would make no attempt to obtain the stock-holders'list of the road. The reason for this came out a little later, whenthe subject of the old-time survey was broached.

　　"I must take steps to get hold of those plans," said Price. "Inthis, as well as everything else, we proceed upon the assumptionthat the present administration of the road is crooked."

　　The next matter to be considered was the charter. "When I get acharter for a railroad," said Price, "I get one that lets me doanything from building a toothpick factory to running flying-machines.But the fools who drew the charter of the Northern Mississippi gotpermission to build a railroad from Atkin to Opala. So we have toproceed to get an extension. While you are down there, Mr. Montague,you will see the job through with the Legislature."

　　Montague thought for a moment. "I don't believe that I have muchinfluence with the Legislature," he began.

　　"That's all right," said Price, grimly. "We'll furnish theinfluence."

　　Here spoke Davenant. "It seems to me," he said, "that we can just aswell arrange this matter without mentioning the Northern MississippiRailroad at all. If the Steel people get wind of this, we are liableto have all sorts of trouble; the Governor is their man, as youknow. The thing to do is to pass a blanket bill, providing that anypublic-service corporation whose charter antedates a certain periodmay extend its line within certain limits and under certainconditions, and so on. I think that I can draw a bill that will gothrough before anybody has an idea what it's about."

　　"Very good," said Price. "Do it that way."

　　And so they went, from point to point. Price laid down Montague'sown course of procedure in a few brief sentences. They had just twoweeks before the stockholders' meeting, and it was arranged that heshould start for Mississippi upon the following day.

　　When the conference was over, Montague rode up town with HarryCurtiss.

　　"What was that Davenant said about the Governor?" he asked, whenthey were seated in the train.

　　"Governor Hannis, you mean?" said the other. "I don't know so verymuch about it, but there's been some agitation down there againstthe railroads, and Waterman and the Steel crowd put in GovernorHannis to do nothing."

　　"It was rather staggering to me," said Montague, after a littlethought. "I didn't say anything about it, but you know GovernorHannis is an old friend of my father's, and one of the finest men Iever knew."

　　"Oh, yes, I don't doubt that," said Curtiss, easily. "They put upthese fine, respectable old gentlemen. Of course, he's simply afigure-head--he probably has no idea of what he's really doing. Youunderstand, of course, that Senator Harmon is the real boss of yourState."

　　"I have heard it said," said Montague. "But I never took much stockin such statements--"

　　"Humph!" said Curtiss. "You'd take it if you'd been in my boots. Iused to do business for old Waterman's Southern railroads, and I'vehad occasion to take messages to Harmon once or twice. New York isthe place where you find out about this game!"

　　"It's not a very pleasant game," said Montague, soberly.

　　"I didn't make the rules," said Curtiss. "You find you either haveto play that way or else get out altogether."

　　The younger man relapsed into silence for a moment, then laughed tohimself. "I know how you feel," he said. "I remember when I firstcame out of college, the twinges I used to have. I had my head fullof all the beautiful maxims of the old Professor of Ethics. And theytook me on in the legal department of the New York and HudsonRailroad, and we had a case---some kind of a damage suit; and oldHenry Corbin--their chief counsel, you know--gave me the papers, andthen took out of his desk a typewritten list of the judges of theSupreme Court of the State. 'Some of them are marked with red,' hesaid; 'you can bring the case before any of them. They are ourjudges.' Just fancy, you know! And I as innocent as a springchicken!"

　　"I should think things like that would get out in the end," saidMontague.

　　Curtiss shrugged his shoulders. "How could you prove it?" he asked.

　　"But if a certain judge always decided in favour of the railroad--"began Montague.

　　"Oh, pshaw!" said Curtiss. "Leave that to the judge! Sometimes he'lldecide against the railroad, but he'll make some ruling that thehigher courts will be sure to upset, and by that time the otherfellow will be tired out, and ready to quit. Or else--here's anotherway. I remember one case that I had that old Corbin told me I'd besure to win, and I took eleven different exceptions, and the judgedecided against me on every single one. I thought I was gonesure--but, by thunder, he instructed the jury in my favour! It tookme a long time to see the shrewdness of that; you see, it goes tothe higher courts, and they see that the judge has given the losingside every advantage, and has decided purely on the evidence. And ofcourse they haven't the witnesses before them, and don't feel halfso well able to judge of the evidence, and so they let the decisionstand. There are more ways than one to skin a cat, you see!"

　　"It doesn't seem to leave much room for justice," said Montague.

　　To which the other responded, "Oh, hell! If you'd been in thisbusiness as long as I have, and seen all the different kinds ofshysters that are trying to plunder the railroads, you'd not fretabout justice. The way the public has got itself worked up just atpresent, you can win almost any case you can get before a jury, andthere are men who spend all their time hunting up cases andmanufacturing evidence."

　　Montague sat for a while in thought. He muttered, half to himself,"Governor Hannis! It takes my breath away!"

　　"Get Davenant to tell you about it," said Curtiss, with a laugh."Maybe it's not so bad as I imagine. Davenant is cynical on thesubject of governors, you know. He had an experience a few yearsago, when he went up to Albany to try to get the Governor to sign acertain bill. The Governor went out of his office and left him, andDavenant noticed that a drawer of his desk was open, and he lookedin, and there was an envelope with fifty brand-new one-thousand-dollarbills in it! He didn't know what they were there for, but this was amighty important bill, and he concluded he'd take a chance. He put theenvelope in his pocket; and then the Governor came back, and after sometalk about the interests of the public, he told him he'd concluded toveto that bill. 'Very well,' Mr. Governor,' said the old man, 'I haveonly this to say,' and he took out the envelope. 'I have here fifty newone-thousand-dollar bills, which are yours if you sign that measure. Onthe other hand, if you refuse to sign it, I will take the bills to thenewspaper men, and tell them what I know about how you got them.' Andthe Governor turned as white as a sheet, and, by God, he signed the billand sent it off to the Legislature while Davenant waited! So you can seewhy he is sceptical about governors."

　　"I suppose," said Montague, "that was what Price meant when he saidhe'd furnish the influence."

　　"That was what he meant," said the other, promptly.

　　"I don't like the prospect," Montague responded.

　　The younger man shrugged his shoulders. "What are you going to doabout it?" he asked. "Your political machines and your offices arein the hands of peanut-politicians and grafters who are looking forwhat's coming to them. If you want anything, you have to pay themfor it, just the same as in any other business. You face the samesituation every hour--'Pay or quit.'"

　　"Look," Curtiss went on, after a pause, "take our own case. Here weare, and we want to build a little railroad. It's an important work;it's got to be done. But we might haunt the lobbies of your Statelegislature for fifty years, and if we didn't put up, we wouldn'tget the charter. And, in the meantime, what do you suppose the SteelTrust would be doing?"

　　"Have you ever thought what such things will lead to?" askedMontague.

　　"I don't know," said Curtiss. "I've had a fancy that some day thebusiness men of the country will have to go into politics and run iton business lines."

　　The other pondered the reply. "That sounds simple," he said. "Butdoesn't it mean the overthrow of Republican institutions?"

　　"I am afraid it would," said Curtiss. "But what's to be done?"

　　There was no answer.

　　"Do you know any remedy?" he persisted.

　　"No, I don't know any remedy," said Montague, "but I am looking forone. And I can tell you of this, for a start; I value this Republicmore than I do any business I ever got into yet; and if I come tothat dilemma, it will be the business that will give way."

　　Curtiss was watching him narrowly. He put his hand on his shoulder."That's all right, old man," he said. "But take my advice, and don'tlet Davenant hear you say that."

　　"Why not?" asked the other.

　　The younger man rose from his seat. "Here's my station," he said."The reason is--it might unsettle his ideas. He's a conservativeDemocrat, you know, and he likes to make speeches at banquets!"